{"id":2403,"date":"2022-05-04T19:56:10","date_gmt":"2022-05-04T23:56:10","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www2.law.temple.edu\/lppp\/?p=2403"},"modified":"2022-07-19T21:12:04","modified_gmt":"2022-07-20T01:12:04","slug":"dominant-rhetorical-themes-in-the-third-era-of-post-soviet-russian-media-history","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www2.law.temple.edu\/lppp\/dominant-rhetorical-themes-in-the-third-era-of-post-soviet-russian-media-history\/","title":{"rendered":"Dominant Rhetorical Themes in the Third Era of Post-Soviet Russian Media History"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<p><strong>Alexander Rojavin \u201920, Law &amp; Public Policy Scholar<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>Alexander Rojavin is a multilingual intelligence, media, and policy analyst specializing in information warfare. He is currently working on a book on modern Russian cinema as a key battlefield in the Kremlin\u2019s information war. He is also co-chair of the Symposium on Disinformation Studies. In his spare time, he moonlights as a published literary translator (Routledge, Slavica Publishers, forthcoming Academic Studies Press).<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>In the eight since 2014, the dominant themes in Russia\u2019s Kremlin-affiliated news media could be divided into eight categories: three \u201cdefensive\u201d ones (<strong>Russian Leadership<\/strong>, <strong>Soviet Nostalgia<\/strong>, and <strong>Russian Exceptionalism<\/strong>) and five \u201coffensive\u201d ones (<strong>State Weakness and Dysfunction<\/strong>, <strong>Western Hypocrisy<\/strong>, <strong>Provocation<\/strong>, <strong>Jewish-Ukrainian Fascist Junta<\/strong>, and <strong>Russophobia<\/strong>). Each theme can be manifested in distinct variations (\u201cstrains\u201d), and a single news article can employ multiple themes simultaneously. This taxonomy is not the only viable one, but it is fairly exhaustive in capturing the Kremlin\u2019s information operations. Below is a brief definition of each theme.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>We must also understand that these themes are being deployed on front pages on which they are interspersed with distracting material about cute animals, celebrity outrages, and zodiacs\u2014mainstays of Russian news coverage that numb the reader into a false sense that everything is normal in the world. Such articles should not be considered as strains of a ninth dominant theme, but it is important to keep in mind that articles published on Russian outlets\u2019 front pages work holistically. Even if individual trees are not frightening, the forest taken together is a place of nightmare and delusion in which the Kremlin alone stands out as a beacon of light and order.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Russian Leadership<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Articles featuring this theme stress how competent and responsible Russia\u2019s reigning regime is. Whether it is strengthening the economy, inventing new technology, benevolently listening to the worries of average Russians, or leading international development efforts, the exploits covered in these articles are designed to leave the reader with an impression of the Kremlin\u2019s far-reaching vision, ability, and drive. All narrative strains featuring Russian paternalism fall under this theme\u2014an article might ostensibly be about the success of an allied regime, but the subtext is that the success is actually owed to Russia\u2019s sage counsel or support.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Relevant variation: A key variation of this theme is featured in articles supporting and depicting as competent pro-Russian, fifth column elements in Ukraine and elsewhere. Strains of this sub-theme (or \u201cmeta-narrative\u201d) are used domestically to convince readers that politicians and other actors sympathetic to the Putin regime are thriving. Abroad, such strains are used for electoral interference, e.g. in support of Jill Stein, Bernard Sanders, and Donald Trump in United States 2016, Geert Wilders in Netherlands 2017, Marine le Pen in France 2017, Carles Puigdemont in Spain 2017, etc. Most recently, such strains were deployed in support of Hungarian PM Viktor Orban, Serbian President Aleksandar Vu\u010di\u0107, and Marine Le Pen, the leader of France\u2019s National Rally.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Soviet Nostalgia<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>This theme plays up the nostalgia factor of Russia\u2019s Soviet heritage. The objects of nostalgia can be cultural (e.g. films, shows, and music that are still popular), mundane (communal apartments, a tighter society, a lack of \u201cdecadent,\u201d \u201cliberal,\u201d \u201cgay\u201d European values), military (\u201cthe Soviet army was the mightiest force in the world,\u201d oxymoronically at odds with another narrative that Russia\u2019s current army is equally mighty), etc. This theme is leveraged to smooth the adoption of regressive, repressive, Soviet-style policies and the pursuit of geopolitical objectives ostensibly aimed at restoring a \u201cGreat Soviet State.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Russian Exceptionalism<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The third \u201cdefensive\u201d theme is exactly what it says on the tin: Russia is unique, no other state is as unique as Russia. The West will never understand Russian culture, history, greatness, etc. This theme can be used to justify just about anything, from renaming a street in honor of Stalin to invading another nation. After February 2022, one manifestation of this theme is deployed to draw a contrast between Russian stars who remained in the country after the beginning of the \u201cspecial operation\u201d and those cultural traitors who fled.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>State Weakness and Dysfunction<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The first of the \u201coffensive\u201d themes is present in any article designed to show the fecklessness and helplessness of Western democracies\u2014whichever one needs to be taken down a notch at any given time, from Montenegro (after Russia\u2019s failed coup attempt) and France (any time Macron gives Russia some cheek) to Ukraine (at all time, in all situations). This theme has been constantly prevalent in Russian news media, kept at a healthy simmer to remind everyone that the West is terrible and Russia is much better by comparison. A persistent strain of this theme involves articles depicting life in Ukraine as awful. Shortly before the war, this theme was visible in articles arguing that Ukraine was a failure at the Olympics.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>An article may ostensibly be about a water shortage in a small Belgian town or about an insect infestation somewhere in Slovenia, but the subtext is that the West is woefully unable to handle any of its challenges, domestic or international, small or large.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Western Hypocrisy<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Articles featuring this theme are intended to frame something about the West\u2019s rhetoric or actions as self-defeatingly hypocritical and therefore amoral. Such articles are designed to delegitimize the West in the eyes of the reader. This theme is inherited directly from the Soviet Union, which often dipped into the well of \u201cthe United States preaches freedom and tolerance but is actually ruthlessly discriminatory towards minority groups.\u201d After February 2022, this theme is seen in articles lambasting Western leaders for saying that they supposedly do not want to \u201cescalate tensions with Russia,\u201d but then send weapons to Ukraine\u2014naturally, that should be the source of the reader\u2019s ire, not Russia\u2019s invasion and mass murder of civilians.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Provocation<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Another straightforward theme: any time Russia does something flagrant (e.g. invades Ukraine, invades Syria, passes yet another repressive amendment to the criminal code), these articles will inevitably argue either that Russia is simply responding to an ill-wisher\u2019s provocation or that Russia didn\u2019t do it and the victim did it themselves. Ukraine was invaded because Russian-speakers were being oppressed, troops were sent into Syria because our dear friend Assad called for aid, and \u201chomosexual propaganda\u201d is banned because there\u2019s no room for that in our wholesome Orthodox culture. Throughout the war, strains borne of this theme are deployed every single time Russian soldiers are accused of yet another crime: \u201cWe didn\u2019t do it\u2014it was actually the Ukrainians themselves!\u201d Shortly before the war, there were Russian outlets vociferously arguing that Ukraine might invade Russia at any moment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>Relevant variation<\/em>: All narrative strains depicting an imperialist, warmongering West fall under this theme.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Russophobia<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Closely related to the Provocation theme, this theme is a catchall defense that Russian officials can use to discredit or delegitimize any Western accusation or move on the grounds that it is simply irrational fear of Russian culture, greatness, history, etc.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>Relevant variation<\/em>: All narrative strains depicting a sympathetic, unjustly victimized Russia fall under this theme. The key difference between articles leaning into Russophobia versus those leaning into the Provocation theme is the intent of the geopolitical adversary; if the purpose is to depict the act adverse to Russia\u2019s interests as irrational and foaming-at-the-mouth, then it is a manifestation of the Russophobia theme. If the adversary is depicted as calculating and coldly acting against Russian\u2014and global\u2014interests, then the coverage is a manifestation of the Provocation theme.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Jewish-Ukrainian Fascist Junta<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Russian media\u2019s favorite theme since 2014\u2014it is difficult to overstate how prevalent demonizing coverage of Ukraine was in Russia\u2019s information space. This theme\u2019s aim was always to discredit the Ukrainian regime and any non-Kremlin-supported party as legitimate. It was also a blazing signal pyre that Russia would ultimately invade, using this very theme as the invasion\u2019s primary justification.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Strains of this theme portray the Ukrainian government and its sympathizers as radical chauvinists who will go to any length to purge Ukraine of anything that falls outside of their narrow vision of Ukrainian identity. Such articles often employ typical Ukrainophobic tropes (calling Ukrainians \u201cBanderites\u201d banderovtsy, violent zealots of Stepan Bandera) and anti-Semitic tropes (Jews are controlling the government, banks, media, etc.\u2014standard Rothschild Conspiracy variations). A key strain of this theme is that Ukraine is controlled by the West.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Alexander Rojavin \u201920, Law &amp; Public Policy Scholar Alexander Rojavin is a multilingual intelligence, media, and policy analyst specializing in information warfare. He is currently working on a book on modern Russian cinema as a key battlefield in the Kremlin\u2019s information war. He is also co-chair of the Symposium on Disinformation Studies. In his spare time, he moonlights as a published literary translator (Routledge, Slavica Publishers, forthcoming Academic Studies Press). In the eight since 2014, the dominant themes in Russia\u2019s &#8230; <\/p>\n<p class=\"read-more-container\"><a title=\"Dominant Rhetorical Themes in the Third Era of Post-Soviet Russian Media History\" class=\"read-more button\" href=\"https:\/\/www2.law.temple.edu\/lppp\/dominant-rhetorical-themes-in-the-third-era-of-post-soviet-russian-media-history\/#more-2403\" aria-label=\"Read more about Dominant Rhetorical Themes in the Third Era of Post-Soviet Russian Media History\">Read More<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":15,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"generate_page_header":"","jetpack_post_was_ever_published":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_access":"","_jetpack_dont_email_post_to_subs":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_tier_id":0,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paywalled_content":false,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":"","jetpack_publicize_message":"","jetpack_publicize_feature_enabled":true,"jetpack_social_post_already_shared":true,"jetpack_social_options":{"image_generator_settings":{"template":"highway","default_image_id":0,"font":"","enabled":false},"version":2}},"categories":[4],"tags":[],"coauthors":[67],"class_list":["post-2403","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-blog","infinite-scroll-item","masonry-post","generate-columns","tablet-grid-50","mobile-grid-100","grid-parent","grid-50"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v27.3 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-wordpress\/ -->\r\n<title>Dominant Rhetorical Themes in the Third Era of Post-Soviet Russian Media History - Law &amp; Public Policy Program<\/title>\r\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\r\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www2.law.temple.edu\/lppp\/dominant-rhetorical-themes-in-the-third-era-of-post-soviet-russian-media-history\/\" \/>\r\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\r\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\r\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Dominant Rhetorical Themes in the Third Era of Post-Soviet Russian Media History - Law &amp; Public Policy Program\" \/>\r\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Alexander Rojavin \u201920, Law &amp; Public Policy Scholar Alexander Rojavin is a multilingual intelligence, media, and policy analyst specializing in information warfare. 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